• Available Now | The Cynic & the Fool: The Unconscious in Theology & Politics

    I'm tremendously excited to say that my new book, The Cynic & the Fool: The Unconscious in Theology & Politics, is available now! Order through the online global behemoth, directly from the publisher for the lowest price, or better yet through your local brick and mortal bookstore. 

    Ever since publishing God Is Unconscious, I’ve wanted to release another book without the jargon—something more accessible for those who don’t have unlimited time to read philosophy. I wanted to take some of the material from GIU, import the research I was conducting for my dissertation, and pay more attention to story and examples. I wanted something any of my students could read. The timing of when I wrote C&F, especially with how the political landscape has since shifted, has been extremely odd. I aim to keep oscillating back and forth between the academic and the accessible during my career, and I’m thrilled to have a more accessible book out now.

    SYNOPSIS

    The questioning of religion is the beginning of a flood, one that cannot be contained and will soon drown every theological, political, economic, and cultural orthodoxy that pledged its allegiance to a sinking cause. We are in just such an era of revolt, and those with eyes to see are learning to interrogate motives. When we are told of an idea that cannot possibly be true, the most immediate question is this: does the speaker so very foolishly believe their own words, or is the person a cynic who knows perfectly well how they manipulate the truth? As individual personalities transform into a collective drive, the aftermath is a brutal mix of motives, fictions, and anxieties. 

    The Cynic & the Fool explores theology and politics through the lens of our unconscious motives, our clever repression, and our deceptive denial. In nine chapters interspersed with nine parables, DeLay unites psychoanalysis, philosophy, and theology together for an accessible yet critical theory of culture. There could not be a more crucial moment to settle these questions. Why do we feel such anxiety over the most abstract orthodoxies, what conflicts of interest are we facing, and why we are commanded to see the world a certain way? 

    ENDORSEMENTS 

    "At a time when vicious partisan politics has replaced the wars of religion with their odium theologicum of bygone ages, Tad DeLay's Cynic & the Fool is a must-read for thoughtful people, regardless of their ideological persuasion. Through storytelling, personal anecdote, and frequent flashes of magisterial pedagogy, DeLay entices us into confronting the knotted tangles of our own 'political unconscious' and offers us hope that we will eventually know the truth and that it might free us, even if we are in a so-called 'post-truth' era." – Carl Raschke, University of Denver, author of Critical Theology 

    "Tad DeLay continues his remarkable and insightful exploration of Lacan's work and its intersections with theology in this new book. The term psychoanalytic theology would probably not arouse too much excitement except in the most arcane of circles, but that is the arena in which DeLay does his work, and it is marvelous stuff. Riffing from a Lacanian idea about the role of the cynic and fool in the political realm, he delves deep into the psyche of our times, to explore what he calls the 'dynamics of collective belief.' DeLay's gift is his ability to take complex ideas and open them up so that we can all see ourselves, and each other, a bit more clearly. This new work is courageous, challenging, and so worth the journey." – Barry Taylor, Affiliate Professor of Theology and Culture, Fuller Theological Seminary 

    "While The Cynic & the Fool offers the reader insights that feel timeless, its true power lies in its ability to offer a unique and penetrating analysis of our present age. This is a book that employs the best of psychoanalytic theory to reflect on larger, societal issues. It is a carefully crafted work that will prove invaluable to anyone wanting to wrestle with, and understand, the tumultuous times we live in." – Peter Rollins, author of The Divine Magician

  • I did not intend to write this book at this moment

    The Cynic & the Fool: The Unconscious in Theology & Politics is available today.

    Immediately after publishing God Is Unconscious, I knew I’d write another. I wanted something more accessible, more personal, and not for my academic fields alone. I was beginning dissertation research and had all this new information that I wanted more than just my committee to see. I would soon start teaching undergraduates, and I wanted a book any of my students could find helpful. So three months after GIU was published, I sat down to draft The Cynic & the Fool. 

    I organized the book around a simple question: when we hear a claim that cannot possibly be true, (1) is the false claim pouring forth from the misinformed yet honest fool, or (2) is the claim being twisted by a cynical nihilist who knows perfectly well how to manipulate and mislead? A quote was stuck in my head: “The fundamental problem of political philosophy is still precisely…’Why do men fight for their servitude as stubbornly as though it were their salvation?’”

    But I kept stumbling through examples which seemed perfectly irrelevant at the time. I explored how delusional news stories and conspiratorial thinking operate, though these were seldom in the public conversation. I covered theories of populism, fearing it was wasted page space since America hadn't had a genuine populist movement in decades. I wrote of the aggressive drive of white supremacy, the enjoyment of cruelty in American religion, and the theological investment we put in empty symbols, which leads us to praise hypocrisy as a virtue rather than vice. For the first time, I cautiously wrote of losing a job as a pastor when my understanding of LGBT persons matured. I wrote about economics, debt, and our repetitive demand for lower pay and fewer services. I explored how widespread apocalypticism ensures the world will burn not from the fire of heaven but instead from the heat of carbon. I wrote about the Evangelical-Capitalist resonance machine—how do we understand the former’s enjoyment in being the puppet of the latter? How can we analyze our crises when we not subjects who desire knowledge but instead subjects who blindly desire? I hesitated over so many stories, arguments, and examples I feared would seem unnecessary at best or indefensibly paranoid at worst. 

    I feel a mix of excitement and horror at my work now. I wrote that first draft in May 2015. A month later, a certain business mogul would declare his candidacy, and ever since this question—knave or idiot?—proliferates in the background of the chaos.


  • When Christian Culture Tries to Solve Health Care

    It happens like clockwork every time health care hits the news. My various social media feeds light up with "Actually, this should be the job of religious groups and charities, not the government." It’s a non-negotiable doctrine among the Fiscally Conservative Faith, in fact. The go-to examples are always collections for emergency funds or free health clinics run by religious groups, which, given the limited range of things a clinic can do, already tells you that the suggestion is rooted in naiveté, bad faith, or both. 

    Pretend these claims were made in good faith and run the numbers: 24 million people lose coverage, an average 2017 silver plan for a 40 year old costs $410/mo ($4920/yr), and America has a little over 338,000 churches in the US with a median size of 75 members (or mean size 186). We can only approximate since premiums between states and age groups vary widely, but here’s how those numbers balance out. Since "It's not government's job!,” if every single one our our 338,000 churches scraped together a mere additional $350,000/year from their average 186 members, it would barely cover just the 24 million who will lose coverage. 

    Of course, this ideal fantasy scenario only exists in 2017. By the time those 24 million are out, the collections would need to increase to a million or more per year to accommodate premium surges for older Americans. Then things would start to get bad. We'd hit the reality that the CBO’s 24 million estimate would be too low; this number would soar tens of millions higher once people realize churches would help with premiums. The CBO then blurts out a collective “Oh, Christ! We didn’t account for Christ!” I hope that 186 person church can start pulling together a few million in pocket change every year. Really, who doesn't have a few tens or hundreds of thousands in cash to give away? Surely every parishioner would gladly redistribute their income in a way that is completely fair and perfectly respectful of individual dignity.

    Or instead of actually helping with premiums, churches could open more clinics and let the physicians among them (at least those who also follow the Fiscally Conservative Faith) volunteer an extra weekend; anyone with a condition not treatable there will surely die. Or they can scrape together emergency funds here and there when selective cases become catastrophic and lives are already in jeopardy, leaving anyone not already in their social network to die unnoticed, though still with an iPhone. 

    Or yet again, this is a really dumb idea that won’t be swayed by argument because tenants of faith are not swayed by arguments. It’s almost as if we don’t have ~30 examples of national health care systems from which we could draw to resolve this completely self-inflicted problem. It is surely a good thing for religious groups and charities to participate in the ways they can, but the messianic fantasy wherein they are the one true solution is narcissistic and cruel. At 17%+ of GDP, setting health care on the shoulders of religious groups and charities is like using a scalpel in a situation that requires a sledgehammer when you also have a sledgehammer.

  • Religious Freedom rhetoric is about racism and sexuality, not freedom of religion

    Given the concerning National Prayer Breakfast comments, the EO draft on religious freedom, and the Muslim ban, here’s a bit of context which is probably common knowledge among historians and religion scholars but not widely reported elsewhere. As a political moniker, religious freedom is what Atwater called an abstraction: it has literally nothing to do with reinforcing freedom of religion.

    “Religious freedom” mutated into a convenient code word during the 20th century. We stopped using Bible verses to justify slavery and abstracted out something more nebulous for the same function. Like similarly coded rhetoric—states’ rights, law and order, and small government at first, and later school choice and extreme vetting—it begins its new career as a politically-useful tool around race (school segregation, miscegenation laws, even zoning codes) and subsequently shifts to new themes as needed (the poor, oppressed Christian baker). By mid-century, Protestants from Southern California to the Bible Belt were already coalescing anti-communist, anti-black, and anti-union rhetoric under the banner of religious freedom: they effectively repackaged aggressive political, racial, and economic agendas to appear unquestionably innocuous. Those who are receptive to the whistle don't consciously experience it this way, and neither do they recognize it's more about resisting the 14th amendment rather than promoting the 1st. A PRRI survey found 10% of Americans believe businesses should be able to refuse service to African Americans *specifically* for religious reasons, and 16% said the same about LGBT persons (surely the number for anti-Islam views would be equally horrifying). The same survey found 80% of Republicans and 40% of Democrats believe religious freedom is being attacked. According to Pew, 47% believe a wedding cake baker should be allowed to deny service to same-sex couples for religious reasons. Rallying around religious freedom is a time-tested tactic that abstracts an issue so that old battles can be fought with less contested language. 

    Ever the more intuitive sloganeer of the two parties, the GOP perfected the art of abstraction during the Southern Strategy, the wildly successful effort to realign itself with racist southerners in the wake of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and Goldwater loss. The strategy also took advantage of religious freedom concerns, which had been in heightened circulation as a racial tool for decades; this goes back well before the Christian Right sold its soul to Reagan. As his chief of staff put it, Nixon needed a way to target African Americans without appearing to do so in order to draw southern whites away from the Democrats. And they needed those whites since, as Nixon’s strategist Kevin Phillips told the NYT in 1970, they never expected the party to get more than 1 in 5 African American votes ever again. But if they didn’t want to end like Goldwater, they needed to get abstract. In 1981, this is how Republican strategist Lee Atwater explained Southern Strategy’s abstraction—also a great explanation of the totally-not-a-Muslim-ban:

    “You start out in 1954 by saying, ‘N*****, n*****, n*****.’ By 1968 you can’t say ’n*****’—that hurts you. Backfires. So you say stuff like forced busing, states’ rights, and all that stuff. You’re getting so abstract now you’re talking about cutting taxes, and all these things you’re talking about are totally economic things and a byproduct of them is, blacks get hurt worse than whites. And subconsciously maybe that is part of it. I'm not saying that. But I'm saying that if it is getting that abstract, and that coded, that we are doing away with the racial problem one way or the other. You follow me—because obviously sitting around saying, ‘We want to cut this,’ is much more abstract than even the busing thing, and a hell of a lot more abstract than “N*****, n*****."

    ———

    For more reading, I highly recommend Darren Dochuck’s From Bible Belt to Sunbelt and Corey Robin’s The Reactionary Mind.

  • Artwork for The Cynic & the Fool

    This spring, my second book will go to print. I have been so excited to see this out there ever since publishing God Is Unconscious. While my first book was exactly what I wanted and needed it to be at the time, I've always felt there are definite limits to how much my work matters unless I also learn how to communicate a without the academic language. So I set out to alternate between writing academic and more accessible books every year or two. The Cynic & the Fool: the Unconscious in Theology & Politics aims to strip away the clinical jargon and deliver a critical philosophy mixed with more personal experiences and interspersed with stories in between each chapter. 

    I didn't, of course, plan for this to feel like so timely, but I organized the book around one question: when we hear a claim that cannot possibly be true, is the false claim pouring forth from the misinformed yet honest fool, or is the claim being twisted by a cynical nihilist who knows perfectly well know to manipulate and mislead? With everything going on in the world at the moment, there's never been a more important time to ask this question of those who have (unfortunately) found themselves in power. 

    Thanks to Jesse Turri for once again delivering the cover art. He won't tell you this, but he created the art for GIU and C&F without asking for anything in return except donations to nonprofits. 

    And if you know the writing of Kester Brewin, the forward definitely has his no bullshit style.

  • Relocating from Los Angeles to Denver

    I presume that most who follow me here are connected through other forms of social media and will already know this, but for those who don’t, my fiancée and I are moving to Denver next month. We have loved Los Angeles and will be sad to leave, but we are excited about the change!

    If you follow me here and are in the area, send me a message so we can connect.

  • Scattered Thoughts on the Election

    It is important to feel sadness deeply and mourn for those who will be harmed in the years ahead. This will likely be the most heartbreaking and catastrophic election of my lifetime. The climate will continue to collapse, people will die in careless wars, even more will lose liberties, and many, many more will suffer.

    I saw so many friends last night wondering how they would tell their kids this today. I can’t imagine how you all do it. My fiancée left for work this morning to teach her fourth graders. The school she teaches at is 100% black and Latino. Many have spent the last year if their families will be split up. They wondered if white America could really despise them so deeply, and they heard the message.

    There has never been an election with more perfectly appropriate examples of Godwin’s Law. Today could have been the 27th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall, but instead today is the 78th anniversary of Kristallnacht.

    God is (nearly) dead. Last night was a last gasping breath of Christian America. Exit polling says over 4/5 white Evangelicals voted for Trump, which is higher than their support for Bush. Millennials will remember this, and the credibility will not be regained. 

    I like the phrase I keep seeing—“America deserves Trump"—but that’s not quite right. White men deserve Trump, but they are the only ones he will not hurt. Nobody else deserves this.

    Misogyny won, and it won in the most brutal contrast imaginable. An extremist with no experience but a tendency to brag about sexual assault beat a centrist who was the most qualified candidate to ever run.

    White supremacy won. According to my syllabus, I’ll talk to students tomorrow about white privilege and black liberation tomorrow morning. My writing project on anxiety, religion, and populism just became more horrifically real. I am a straight, white male and will not suffer like many of you, and all I can offer is my efforts to teach compassion and critical thinking. 

    Trump is a narcissist first, a fool second, and a cynical knave third. Interpret his actions in that order. His strategy is all anxiety and his tactics are all affect. He will be controlled by the GOP exactly as much as they were able to control him during the campaign.

    Hold those you love close, watch out for those who will be harmed, mourn today, and then we have work to do.

  • When Žižek Says He Would Vote Trump

    [post-election update: let us hope that Žižek was right]

    Since I keep getting asked about this video, and since Žižek knows his Laclau, let's think about the role of movement, ideology, and rhetoric in populism.

     

    I'll bet Lacan's students flipped out when he told them “Freud was in no way a progressive” too. Your thought leaders don’t need to agree with you on everything in order to have something to contribute. Here’s another one: while he clearly leaned left in theory, Lacan tried to position himself as a centrist liberal. Žižek is almost certainly (though not quite certainly) wrong about Trump victory leading to a rethinking within the GOP field, and I can’t agree with Žižek on this one, but he’s making a consistent argument with regard to class struggle in opposition to capitalism. 

    Contra Žižek, I don’t think a Trump victory leads to any immediate, fundamental rethinking for the GOP, because Trump is only an outlier in style, not substance. The roots of Trumpism do not simply trace to the Tea Party, the Recession, the Reagan era, etc. The roots go right back to the birth of the modern GOP after Civil Rights, to the Southern Strategy detailed in 1970 by Nixon’s strategist Kevin Phillips aimed at attracting southern whites. In this New York Times article, they openly acknowledged the GOP would never again get more than 1/5 African American votes (which is laughably high in retrospect), and this wouldn’t matter as long as they could mobilize an anti-black demographic. The modern GOP has always been about race, and various rhetorical devises (encoding racism into “welfare queen” or “war on drugs,” redefining conservatism with the qualifier “compassionate” or revising it as “libertarian,” or appeals to Christian family values) have never been anything other than tactical devices for the true goal, the support of capital interests. The rhetoric is pure bullshit, believed by constituents more than by the establishment, but it cannot be dismissed as merely bullshit.

    In America, we at the very least need to take race (and probably patriarchy/heterosexism) just seriously as class struggle, and I saw the Žižek video as a quick, yet significant, disagreement with Ernesto Laclau’s work on populism. In In Defense of Lost Causes, Žižek (a close reader of Laclau) argues that a post-politics, technocratic style of government management (Obama, Clinton) inevitably produces an “empty” populist backlash which actually feeds a need for technocratic style. He was writing while watching the rise of European nationalist movements and the beginning of the Tea Party, which we now have the research (Putnam & Campbell, American Grace) to conclude was much more about a desire for theocracy than about “smaller government” or views on debt/deficit. The classic “empty signifier” of populism is “the People!” which has been thoroughly eclipsed by “Real Americans!” since 2008. Populism can be divided into (1) movement, (2) ideology, and (3) rhetoric. They are often put precisely in this order: movement is the true thrust toward a goal, ideology is the framework reifying and sustaining a particular consciousness, and rhetoric then comes along to curate and reinforce cohesion. Laclau rightly counters this ranking to say we cannot dismiss rhetoric as a least important element. Rhetoric may be bullshit, but it is not simply bullshit; rhetoric is actively reconstructing ideology and vice versa. It is still a threat, and my interpretation is that Žižek sees Trump’s bullshit as simply that; an empty threat which will be abandoned without triggering waves of anti-black and anti-immigrant movement. Rhetoric really can get people killed, especially in an election that is all about race.

    Trump has a 1/3 chance of winning, but should he lose in a landslide, I think it more likely that the temporary end of the GOP as a viable party for Presidency leads to a split between Clinton centrists and the Sanders left, who will no longer face obvious, crushing defeat should they push slightly left. That may be a delusional dream, but I think it more likely than any immediate rethinking with the GOP establishment in the case of a Trump victory. The GOP wakes up on Wednesday and either says “Ryan/Romney was right: see 2012 autopsy report” or says “Trump was right: white nativism works.” In the case of a crushing Trump defeat, capital will need to shift its support more permanently toward the Democrats (which has already happened in this cycle), and that is precisely where Žižek could turn out to be horrifically prescient.  

  • Fact Checking Populism?

    Since the debate, fact checking sites seem to be every other post on my feed. I’m glad they exist, and I’m sure they serve some limited corrective purpose. But if we discovered that lists of knowledge (rather than desire and affect) play a primary role in counteracting patriarchal white nationalism, then my dissertation chapters on populist discourse would have been a tragic waste of time. The type of populism you are seeing right now is an exemplar of neoliberalism’s haphazardly curated consciousness. It’s the result of a whole array of ideological apparatuses built over the decades since the so-called Southern Strategy (largely to justify a series of catastrophic economic decisions). This populism is an outlet for anxiety, rage, aggressiveness, and turmoil, which are very real but generally misdirected against a false cause. You aren’t going to counter it much with facts, because this false consciousness is already doing exactly what it is supposed to do. Any decent teacher or therapist already knows this: mere information transfer has a very limited capacity to change much.

    As Deleuze and Guattari put it in Anti-Oedipus, “The fundamental problem of political philosophy is still…‘Why do men fight for their servitude as stubbornly as though it were their salvation?’ How can people possibly reach the point of shouting: ‘More taxes! Less bread!’” (or today, “More capital for the ultra-wealthy! Lower wages for the rest of us!”). The answers have to be more about desire than a simple lack of knowledge.